Why We Must Open the Meetings of
the IMF and World Bank Boards:
The Case of User Fees on Primary Healthcare in Tanzania
By Robert Naiman | June 2001
  
0106userfee.pdf
One of the most controversial "structural adjustment" policies
promoted by the World Bank and the IMF is the imposition of user fees
on primary healthcare and education. These user fees have been associated
with lower school enrollment and reduced access to primary healthcare.
For some years, the World Bank, while acknowledging problems with the
implementation of user fees, defended them in principle on the grounds
that there were, or were supposed to be, exemptions for the poor, even
though, as the World Bank was eventually forced to admit, the track record
indicates that exemption schemes do not work.
In response to the World Bank's refusal to abandon support for user fees
on primary health and education, in October, 2000, the U.S. Congress passed
legislation requiring the U.S. representatives at the International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank to oppose any loan or debt relief agreement which
included "user fees" on access to primary healthcare and education.
[1] This legislation was supported by a broad array of
civil society groups in the United States, including the AFL-CIO trade
union federation, which stated, "The IMF and World Bank should not
condition one dollar of debt relief or development financing on the creation,
expansion, or continuation of a user fee program by a borrowing country.
No loan agreement, decision point document, or poverty reduction strategy
paper should contain such a requirement, and the United States must make
it clear to the World Bank and the IMF that future support for these initiatives
will depend on the institutions' assurances that users fees have been
eliminated. Of course, the U.S. Executive Directors [who sit on the boards
of these two institutions] must also be instructed to vote against any
program or document that includes user fees." On the question of
exemptions for the poor, the AFL-CIO noted, "The World Bank's own
Operations and Evaluation Department and its most recent World Development
Report have recognized the limited utility of exemption programs in mitigating
the harm caused by these user fees." [2]
One month later, the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) for Tanzania
came before the World Bank and IMF boards. The PRSP is purported to be
a planning document prepared by developing country governments, in consultation
with the IMF and the World Bank, with broad civil society participation,
outlining a plan for reducing poverty in the country--in accord with the
reformed focus of the institutions on poverty reduction in poor countries
announced as part of the "enhanced" debt relief initiative agreed
to at the G7 meeting in Cologne.
The "interim" PRSP for Tanzania had included user fees on primary
healthcare. Nongovernmental organizations and members of Congress who
had supported the legislation requiring the U.S. to oppose user fees on
primary healthcare and education wrote to the U.S. Treasury Department,
then still under the supervision of the Clinton administration, and reminded
Treasury that law required the U.S. to oppose the Tanzania PRSP if it
included user fees on primary healthcare. At the time of the Board meeting,
the Tanzania PRSP--a document that supposedly resulted from a broad consultation
with civil society in Tanzania--was a secret document.
What actually happened at the board meeting is known with certainty only
to those who were present, because the board meetings are secret, and
no minutes are publicly available. However, there is a summary of the
discussion. This is a secret document that is only distributed to World
Bank and IMF management and government representatives. The cover page
states: "This document has a restricted distribution and may be used
by recipients only in the performance of their official duties. Its contents
may not otherwise be disclosed without World Bank authorization."
[3] In this case, the document was leaked to nongovernmental
organizations. The summary is a redaction of the minutes, in the sense
that it does not indicate who said what, a critical piece of information
for holding governments accountable for what policies they support or
oppose at the institutions.
Nonetheless, in this case the summary is telling. The summary contains
the following sentence: "Staff noted the concern of many NGOs over
the existence of user fees in the health sector but pointed out that the
poor were exempt from these charges."
But the nongovernmental organizations that were concerned about the inclusion
of user fees on primary healthcare were concerned precisely because exemption
schemes have failed. Thus, while "noting" the concern of NGOs,
the institutions were in fact completely ignoring them.
But what is even more telling is that this is the only mention of the
issue of user fees on healthcare in the document. The document summarizing
the discussion is seven pages long, and has a specific section on healthcare.
Yet while the concern of NGOs is noted, there is no record of any government
representatives in the meeting registering any objection or concern. While
the summary does not tell us who said what among the government representatives,
it does tell us that no government representative--including the U.S.
representative--said anything on the subject whatsoever, unless we are
to believe that an objection or comment by the representative of the government
holding one-fifth of the shares of the institution would not be considered
noteworthy by the staff person preparing the summary of the discussion.
It is a remarkable fact, that even when the U.S. Congress, which controls
U.S. appropriations to these institutions, went to the trouble of passing
a specific law requiring the U.S. representative to oppose a particular
policy, the U.S. representative apparently had nothing to say when the
subject was discussed in the board meeting.
It might be thought that this is a matter solely between the U.S. Treasury
and the U.S. Congress. It is not. It is precisely because the meetings
of these organizations are secret that it is up to the discretion of the
government representatives to share what information they like and represent
their governments as they choose.
Notes:
[1] Public Law 106-429, Section 596. "The Secretary
of the Treasury shall instruct the United States Executive Director at
each international financial institution (as defined in section 1701(c)(2)
of the International Financial Institutions Act) and the International
Monetary Fund to oppose any loan of these institutions that would require
user fees or service charges on poor people for primary education or primary
healthcare, including prevention and treatment efforts for HIV/AIDS, malaria,
tuberculosis, and infant, child, and maternal well-being, in connection
with the institutions' lending programs."
[2] Letter from David A. Smith, Director, Department
of Public Policy, AFL-CIO, to Timothy Geithner, Under Secretary for International
Affairs, U.S. Treasury Department, October 11, 2000.
[3] Summary of Discussion at the Meeting of the Executive
Directors of the Bank and IDA, November 30,2000, International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development, International Development Association,
December 15, 2000.
(Robert Naiman <naiman@cepr.net>,
Senior Policy Analyst, Center for Economic and Policy Research, Washington,
www.cepr.net.)
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