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Why the Maghreb Really Matters

Aminatou Haidar | June 5, 2009

Editor: John Feffer

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Foreign Policy In Focus

The Maghreb is again a major talking point in the United States. In the perceived interests of fighting terrorism and promoting trade, a group of politicians and pundits are urging the Obama administration to side with Morocco and against self-determination for the Sahrawis of Western Sahara. They also urge a regional union for the Maghreb. Yet reaching for a quick fix that supports Morocco's campaigns in any of these areas would set such a Maghreb Union back years.

Those who see the Sahrawi's decades-long reach for freedom as an obstacle to the perceived bigger picture often have high profiles. Among them are a wrong-headed group of U.S. members of Congress who wrote to President Obama in April. Their letter suggested that the president should set in stone an extraordinarily flawed solution promoted by Western Sahara's illegal occupiers — Morocco — to entrap the Sahrawi in an autonomous structure rather than offering self-determination, which is their just and legal right.

This group of legislators took their lead and some of their language from a new report Why the Maghreb Matters from the Potomac Institute and the Conflict Management Program at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). The report presents the long-stalled union in the Maghreb region as posing both significant threats and opportunities for U.S. interests. In seeking to over-promote both scenarios, the report highlights a common reaction of those looking to find an end-game solution in the region at whatever cost: over-simplification.

The cost in this case, should the U.S. government and the international community continue such realpolitik analysis, is the welfare of more than 200,000 people in the occupied territories of Western Sahara, Africa's last colony.

Why the Maghreb?

The Maghreb — generally including Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Mauritania, and Western Sahara — is significant for many reasons. According to the Potomac/SAIS report, "the U.S. government should have a profound interest in North Africa because developments in the region impact significantly on our national interests." These developments relate first of all to trade and investment. Countries within the region have tended to under-perform economically. So, the argument goes, a regional union based on free and fair trade is likely to benefit everyone, including the United States.

Few would dispute the importance of promoting economic development in the region. But when the discussion turns to the Maghreb's significance in terms of threats, disagreements arise. The Potomac/SAIS report focuses on the threat of terrorism and highlights a five-fold increase in terrorist attacks in the region since 2001. That these figures indicate a serious problem for civilians in the region is undeniable.

Yet, identifying their source, both geographical and ideological, has become a blame game with the highest possible stakes. The United States and others are in danger of not only getting it all terribly wrong by allying with Rabat in the efforts to stamp out terrorism in the region but of casting a massive injustice upon the Sahrawis.

Documented cases of human rights violations abound. In a report late in 2008, Human Rights Watch "found that Moroccan authorities repress this right [of self-determination] through laws penalizing affronts to Morocco's 'territorial integrity,' through arbitrary arrests, unfair trials, restrictions on associations and assemblies, and through police violence and harassment that goes unpunished."

Why then have key analysts and policymakers in the Untied States ignored these factors and viewed the Moroccan perpetrators of these acts as the solution to the problem?

The Real Problem in the Maghreb

For the last three decades, Morocco has denied Western Sahara the basic human right to self-determination, one of the tenets of the United Nations. An International Court of Justice ruling in 1975 confirmed Morocco's invasion as illegal. Numerous UN resolutions established the mechanism for a referendum on self-determination in Western Sahara. And there has been a long-running UN mission in the region designed to move the populace toward self-determination. Still, the forced occupation of Western Sahara continues.

In Western Sahara, 160,000 Moroccan military and para-military personnel are aided by one of the world's largest minefields and by a 2,700 km security wall that runs right through communities and extended families. We Sahrawi sought the inclusion of a human rights monitor in the UN mission. But the proposal met with resistance from a slick and expensive lobbying effort run by Morroco's foreign public relations representatives (all nine of them) and by a recalcitrant and counter-intuitive France, which used its veto to block the proposal.

So, the reality, as opposed to the realpolitik, makes a compelling case against Morocco's tainted "autonomy" proposal (in actuality, a "non-independence" proposal). Generalizations about terrorism and threats to U.S. interests should not detract attention from the real problem at the center of the Maghreb: the denial of basic human rights to those who live in Africa's last colony, Western Sahara.

Aminatou Haidar is a Sahrawi human-rights defender, the 2008 Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award laureate, and a contributor to Foreign Policy In Focus.

 

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Published by Foreign Policy In Focus (FPIF), a project of the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS, online at www.ips-dc.org). Copyright © 2009, Institute for Policy Studies.

Recommended citation:
Aminatou Haidar, "Why the Maghreb Really Matters," (Washington, DC: Foreign Policy In Focus, June 5, 2009).

Web location:
http://fpif.org/fpiftxt/6168

Production Information:
Author(s): Aminatou Haidar
Editor(s): John Feffer
Production: Erik Leaver

Latest Comments & Conversation Area
Editor's Note: FPIF.org editors read and approve each comment. Comments are checked for content only; spelling and grammar errors are not corrected and comments that include vulgar language or libelous content are rejected.
 
Name devotee of wsahara Date: Jun 06, 2009
It's too vital to hear such Sahraoui voices and opinions in the American media and such articles could make a differance within the American community and government. With the new president of US we hope the stance of the American government would be so realistic and that it respects our natural right in self determination and that's the only solution for the shattered Maghreb union that would benifit its people and USA as well.
Name taoufiq Gazoulit Date: Jul 09, 2009
TWO AUSTRALIAN FILMMAKERS SHOWED THE WORLD SOME PRACTICES OF SLAVERY IN TINDOUF CAMPS RUN BY POLISARIO.

Two Australian film makers Violeta Ayala and Dan fallshaw , who had originally gone to Tindouf camps to make a documentary about a UN – supervised family reunion program, over a period of two and a half month, discovered that the refugee camps run and supervised by Polisario tolerates and allows slavery practices .

The two filmmakers developed a warm relationship with the refugees and particularly with the family of Fatim (a Black skin Sahraoui refugee) until they started recording testimonials of slavery, As one of the filmmakers Dan made it clear during an interview at the Australian National radio ABC, when he said “ I guess within the camps, some black sahraouis, consider themselves slaves, that means they owned by somebody else, or a property of another person.”

Relationship with the filmmakers soured was when they started recording testimonials of slavery. As soon as Polisario officials realized that Sahraoui refugees of black skin, and particularly fatim, in addition to her husband and their daughter Leil were giving them testimonials, the Polsario security services started putting pressure on Fatim’s family, particularly when Polisario officials learned that Hocine, fatim’s husband and her daughter Leil spoke freely with the filmmakers on the camera with the presence of fatim.

Making a film about slavery in Tindouf camps is not acceptable from the Polisario leadership’s point of view, therefore stopping the filming was urgency, so the filmmakers were detained by Polisario officials and had to organize their own safe passage from the camps.

The filmmakers have not mispresented anything nor betrayed anybody; on the contrary they are professional reporters who have made a film worth seeing about an important and critical issue. As Violeta said during the interview with the Australian National Radio :

“ There are nine people in the film, who talked about slavery; this film is about our experiences, our story and what happened to us. How people came to us and told us this story. It is about every viewer of the film to make up their minds.”

The film that created controversy within the Australian national public alleges that slavery is widespread in the Tindouf camps, therefore the immediate reaction is that so many Australians who were supporters of Polisario after watching the film started doubting the Polisario and its credibility, especially when both filmmakers Ayala revelations about the extent of slavery in Tindouf camps. In this respect DAN says: “We felt we have a moral obligation to tell the story, there are several people on the film who spoke against slavery, and they want the story to be heard, there was a group of men who travelled 2000 kms across the desert to come and tell their own stories to us” he added “The UN …. When we were talking about slavery on the ground , they say they did not know that it exits but when we travelled to Geneva , the deputy director for North Africa in the UN organizations said that they know it exists in the area where the refugee camps .”

“STOLEN” the title of the movie is not controversial documentary, it does reflect another humanitarian aspect of Sahraoui refugee in Tindouf camps; the film raises serious questions about whether freedom of speech exists in the refugee camps or not. It is the Polisario who has forced the film participants to retract their words. The film shows to what extent the refugees are scared of the Polisario security services.

The Polisario propaganda machine failed this time to convince the Australian and international opinion public of the non –existence of slavery in the camps, in fact Polisario officials are extremely worried about this event, as it is more likely damaging “their cause”. Large Discussions within the Australian society have led to a number of Australians who refused the Polisario propaganda that the film is fraudulent, the Polisario efforts to confiscate the film shows that they had something very damaging to hide. Clearly once the movie was out in the open the Polisario have been mounting a last minute propaganda campaign that has the backing of the Australia Western Sahara Association (AWSA)

Polisario has enjoyed for a long time the support of some Australian NGO’s. The production of such well documented film tackling the phenomenon of Slavery in Tindouf camps , in addition to the projection of the movie in the Sydney festival movie, and the strong reaction of the media, political parties, human rights activists, members of the government and other components of the Australian society have shaken Polisario’s argument put forward to the Australian people, and created a new atmosphere to reconsider the Polisario propaganda, and the way Australia as a country should deal with the Polisario front in the future .

Those who support the Polisario need to check their facts; if the Polisario is so clean and honest why did so many of their early leaders and refugees (mounting to thousands) leave the camps? Why the Polisario has the one leader for over 30 years?

People in the Australia Western Sahara Association (AWSA) may be living in the past glory days of resistance and freedom fighters ; while the world has changed around them, for me and others Polisario (after this scandalous documented and proven film about slavery in Tindouf camps ) lost its credibility.

Name Malik Date: Sep 16, 2009
Your communique reads like a telegram from Moroccan government. The truth about the questionable methods and the unethical practices used to make the documentary "stolen" has been unveiled. The bottom line, numbers never lie. Here's two numbers for you to meditate on, 50 and 97. The first one represent the literacy rate in Morocco, while the second represent the literacy rate in the Polisario camps. I know where I'd rather live.
 
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