Walk
Softly and Look Ahead in Nuclear South Asia
Minuteman Media,
11/06/01
Zia
Mian (links to online Media Guide)
Before September 11, South Asia's problems loomed large. The region,
with over a billion people, a history of war, rising religious militancy;
newly tested nuclear weapons, and a get-tough mood, was on the brink
of instability. Adding to South Asia's long list of troubles is the
U.S. war against Osama bin Laden and the Taliban. Hasty U.S. actions
could deepen the problems facing South Asia but along with this crisis
is also opportunity. Over the long-term the U.S. has the possibility
to bring regional stability but only if it pursues a different set of
policies in the region.
The risks are highest in Pakistan, where the U.S. bombing campaign
opened the door for Pakistan's radical Islamist groups, with their history
of anti-Americanism and ties to the Taliban. Raising the political stakes
internally, radical Islamists have taken to the streets of Pakistan
in ever greater numbers. On the border with Afghanistan, Pakistan's
Pashtun ethnic group, which is sympathetic to the Taliban, has added
fuel to the fire for tens of thousands who have massed on the border
to join the Taliban. All of these actions seriously challenge the decision
of Pakistan's leader, General Musharraf, to support the United States.
Radical Islamists have not yet been able to mobilize widespread public
action despite gaining some support after the bombing began. However,
time is on their side. The longer the U.S. keeps bombing, the more civilians
will be killed, the worse the humanitarian and refugee crisis will become,
the more support they gain. Musharraf and the army may hold the line
in Pakistan, using force if they have to, but the radical Islamists
will come out politically strengthened. Musharraf could win the battle
but lose the war.
There is another pressing danger with one of Afghanistan's other neighbors:
India. After September 11, India rushed to offer political and military
support to the U.S., urging it to target Pakistani-supported Islamic
militants fighting in Kashmir as part of the war against terrorism.
With the U.S. courting Pakistan, and with the Pakistani militants continuing
their attacks in Kashmir, India is now trying a more dangerous gambit.
It recently ended a 10-month long effective cease-fire and started shelling
Pakistani forces across the border that divides Kashmir. There are demands
and threats to attack militant training camps and bases in Pakistan.
Any such attack could trigger a South Asian war.
A longer term danger is that of nuclear weapons in South Asia. The
May 1998 nuclear tests by India and Pakistan put the world on watch.
The international community used sanctions to pressure both countries
to exercise restraint, and to signal a refusal to accept new nuclear
weapons states. But, in its search for support in the region, the Bush
administration has let go the already waning U.S. hopes to reverse the
nuclearization of South Asia. The U.S. is lifting sanctions and offering
economic and military assistance for both India and Pakistan.
India and Pakistan may return with renewed vigour to their conventional
and nuclear arms race. India seeks U.S. weapons to add to its recent
$4 billion Russian arms deal and $2 billion Israeli deal. Pakistan's
limited funds have stalled its purchases. With political and economic
pressures eased, both sides may speed deployment of their nuclear warheads.
South Asia may escape the frying pan of terrorism only to fall into
the nuclear fire. Along with a ban on arms sales to the region, the
U.S. must return with renewed vigour to nuclear disarmament efforts.
These threats require urgent action. The U.S. should stop bombing and
strengthen humanitarian relief efforts in Afghanistan. Calling in UN
Secretary General and Nobel Peace Prize winner, Kofi Annan, showing
him the evidence and asking him to mediate with the Taliban for a hand-over
of Osama bin Laden for trial would do more than acknowledge the vital
role of the United Nations. It would strengthen the hand of Pakistan's
government against the militants. With unilateral force no longer the
order of the day, the U.S. could then forcefully press Pakistan to end
its support for the militants fighting in Kashmir, to restrain India,
and begin working with the international community to resolve the more
than fifty year old Kashmir dispute.
Dr. Zia Mian, analyst for Foreign Policy In Focus (www.fpif.org),
researches South Asian security issues at the Woodrow Wilson School
of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University.
COPYRIGHT 2001, Minuteman
Media
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