Trust,
But Codify: Nuclear Arms Reduction Requires a Treaty, not a Handshake
Global Beat Syndicate, 11/16/01
William D Hartung (links to online Media Guide)
NEW YORK -- The recent pledges by President Bush and his Russian counterpart
Vladimir Putin to cut their nations' nuclear arsenals by two-thirds
represent a major step forward for arms control. If fully implemented,
these reductions would make up for the lack of progress during the Clinton
administration, when U.S. and Russian strategic forces remained stuck
at unnecessarily high levels.
Unfortunately, Bush and Putin differ sharply on how their proposed
arms cuts should be implemented. Bush has suggested moving to a "new
strategic framework" based on trust, not formal agreements. Putin
has argued in favor of codifying the commitment to reductions in treaty
language, complete with verification procedures.
At first glance Bush's position seems reasonably compelling. Many experts
believe that Moscow will be forced by economic circumstances to reduce
the number of its deployed nuclear warheads from current levels of 5,800
to 1,500 or less by the end of this decade. Bearing this in mind, Bush
administration officials want the flexibility to build U.S. nuclear
forces up or down as needed, rather than getting tied down by a strict
arms control formula. And the Bush national security team certainly
doesn't want to bargain away its plans a missile defense system in exchange
for Russian nuclear reductions that are expected to occur in any case.
But Bush's aversion to formal arms control is dangerously short-sighted.
The proposed reductions in U.S. and Russian forces are intended to occur
over a ten-year period. That's a long time to rely on trust. Without
a formal agreement, it will be far easier for one side or the other
to bail out as soon as the political going gets tough. What happens
if Putin is replaced by a more hard-line leader, or has a change of
heart once the United States takes definitive steps to deploy a missile
defense system?
These questions are of particular importance because Russia still has
a relatively inexpensive way to rebuild its nuclear forces: adding large
numbers of independently targeted warheads to existing missiles. Since
President Bush's new framework would abandon the limits on multiple
warhead missiles that are set out in the START II treaty, Russia would
have no legal obstacle to taking this course of action. The nuclear
force structure resulting from greater Russian reliance on multi-warhead
missiles would be particularly destabilizing, since without an inspection
regime it would be virtually impossible to tell how many warheads Russia
possessed. The combination of a massive missile defense system on the
U.S. side and a large number of multi-warhead missiles on the Russian
side would put a premium on reacting quickly in a crisis, thereby increasing
the prospects of an accidental launch or a preemptive strike.
A formal U.S.-Russian agreement to implement deep nuclear reductions
would provide far more leverage in persuading other nuclear powers to
reduce or eliminate their own arsenals. It would also make it easier
for Washington to step up its support for the destruction of excess
nuclear warheads and bomb-grade materials in Russia, which have been
widely cited as posing a significant risk of diversion to terrorist
networks. The fewer nuclear weapons there are, the harder it will be
for a terror network to get its hands on nuclear materials and components.
Given the risks of relying on a handshake and a smile, President Bush
should think twice before renouncing arms control agreements. To paraphrase
Ronald Reagan, the president's nuclear credo should be "trust,
but codify."
William Hartung is an analyst with the Foreign Policy in Focus project
and is a Senior Research Fellow at the World Policy Institute at the
New School in New York City.
COPYRIGHT 2001, Global
Beat Syndicate
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